Showing posts with label SDP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SDP. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 23, 2013

Workers' Party - Forever the Bridesmaids to a Tyrant

After observing this BE over the past few days, and reading all the various commentaries, I am starting to question if the WP has enough ambition to live up to their grand following.

While there are many who praise the WP and their role as underdogs in keeping the PAP in check, I wonder whether they have curbed their own potential by constantly using this underdog approach. Ito  am perplexed why they constantly say that their role in Government is to keep the PAP in check. Their mere presence being the justification for a MIW panic.

Is that really enough? Can we realistically, hand on heart, attribute all the positive (incremental) changes we have witnesses solely to a party that sits quietly in Parliament?

Shouldn't they aspire higher and really contest to take over control of the Parliament, to really make a change as a WP Government? At this stage it seems that their reach barely reaches their grasp. A First World Parliament was promised in GE2011, and what we got an opposition that strives to irritate, rather then replace the PAP. They should be aiming to form their own Parliament, a WP Parliament. 
 
You don t need to win Punggol East SMC simply to get control of another town council to check for shady transactions. To make the PAP work harder. What they should say is that they want to win Punggol East and thereafter garner enough seats to form the next Government! 

This is where I feel the SDP would have fared better. Dr Chee would not be content to play ombudsman to the PAP.  He wants to really transform Singapore for the better.  He and the SDP have a very clear vision for a totally different Government.

In this respect, the WP has been disappointing in this BE, wasting the graciousness of the SDP pull-out from the race.  How many elections can WP run on the same platform to be bridesmaids to the tyrant?  Without ambition in Parliament, WP have only themselves to blame for all the lame duck criticisms leveled against them by the PAP.  The WP should take a leaf from their greatest leader, JBJ who had single-handedly stood up without fail against the PAP in Parliament. I really do hope that for Punggol East, his son can beat the bridesmaids to the alter, and show Singaporeans how it should be done.

Thursday, December 13, 2012

Punggol East SMC - Is the Workers' Party the Only Choice?

Following the sudden resignation of PAP MP Michael Palmer for having an affair with a PA staff working in Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC, a by-election has to be called for the vacated single seat at Punggol East SMC.

Shortly after the announcement, two parties have been quick to announce their positions. The Workers’ Party (WP) has affirmed their desire to contest the seat, and Singapore People’s Party (SPP) Chairperson Lina Chiam, has opined that “the Workers’ Party should have the priority to contest in the by-election, due to their earlier involvement in the constituency during the 2011 General Election.”

With the controversy surrounding WP’s Yaw Shin Leong’s resignation from his Hougang SMC seat under similar circumstances, it would seem like poetic justice for the WP to claim another election scalp. While the need for a by-election is certain, I would hope that the bout line-up is not prematurely fixed.

In the last General Election in 2011, Desmond Lim Bak Chuan of the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA), received a lot of criticism for initiating a three-cornered fight and not graciously stepping out of WP’s Lee Li Lian’s way. Back then I felt that this criticism was harsh, and I fear the same will be repeated for any party ‘full-hardy’ enough to get in WP’s way. While Lina Chiam might think that the WP has some pre-ordained right to contest Punggol East SMC, let us not forget that not one, but three other opposition parties have similarly contested this electoral real estate in the past. 

Back in 1988, Abdul Rasheed of the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) stood in what was then, Punggol SMC. He attained a respectable 40.1% of the votes.

Subsequently in the 1991 elections, Punggol SMC was absorbed into Cheng San GRC. This GRC was contested by National Solidarity Party (NSP), which garnered 35.9% of the votes .

 In the 2001 elections Cheng San GRC controversially split into Aljunied GRC, Ang Mo Kio GRC and Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC. Pasir Ris-Punggol saw a walkover that year, but was challenged by the SDA in the next elections in 2006. And of course we all remember the 2011 elections, where Punggol East SMC was carved out of Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC.

Therefore, contrary to popular belief and short-termed memories, the WP is not the only natural choice. I do hope that more qualified candidates from other parties give serious consideration to contesting Punggol East SMC. And if such a candidate should emerge, I wonder if the WP supporters are matured enough to recognize this.

Wednesday, April 21, 2010

SDP Acquittal Recinded -- the very definition of poor judgment

My thoughts are after the article……
Apr 21, 2010
ILLEGAL PROCESSION
SDP group fined

They were convicted after a rare Govt appeal against their acquittal
FIVE leaders and supporters of the opposition Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) have each been fined either $500 or $600 for taking part in an illegal street procession in 2007.

They are SDP chairman Gandhi Ambalam, assistant secretary-general John Tan, central executive committee member Chee Siok Chin and party supporters Yap Keng Ho and Chong Kai Xiong.

District Judge John Ng sentenced them on Monday, with Tan, Chee and Chong each fined $500 or five days' jail in default. Gandhi and Yap were each fined $600 or six days' jail in default.

The five applied for time and were given until May 14 to pay the fines. They had faced fines of up to $1,000 each under the Miscellaneous Offences (Public Order and Nuisance) Act.

Earlier this month, High Court Judge Choo Han Teck allowed a rare appeal by the Government against their acquittal last October by the district court, and convicted the five.

He also sent them back to District Judge Ng for sentencing.

Read the full story in Wednesday's edition of The Straits Times.


In Sep last year, District Judge Ng probably didn’t realize the ripples his initial judgment would have caused. Only in Singapore would the proverbial ‘butterfly wing flaps’ of an impartial protection of constitutional rights cause a cyclone to rip through the fabric of society.

Judge Ng stunned observers by acquitting the leaders of the SDP as he judged that their procession on 16 Sep 07 “did not cause inconvenience to the public, affect traffic flow or make noise which disturbed the public peace.”

Key to his decision was the absence of the definition of what constituted a “procession” under the law as the legality of the walk hinges upon this definition. He concluded: "I am fortified in my views when I consider that the principal [Miscellaneous Offences] Act and the Rules were meant to relate to offences against public order, nuisance and property. The walk which had taken place did not impede or cause any disruption to the flow of vehicular traffic or the movement of pedestrians."

As the Appended article above indicates, High Court Judge Choo Han Teck allowed a rare appeal by the Government against their acquittal and convicted the five. Justice Choo’s reasoning was that dictionary definitions (of the word “procession”) must be read in the context of local law, as the word ‘procession’ has ‘long defied exact legal definition’. He also added that “whether an event may cause public disorder, it was a risk for the police to assess, not the organizers” and “disorder may result not necessarily from the organizers, but from the members of the public observing the event.

I take issue with 2 points raised by Justice Choo:

[1] “context of local law” – What context is he referring to? At the time of the incident, the Miscellaneous Offences Act forbade the gatherings of 5 persons or more. Justice Choo’s reading of the incident was that even though the SDP members were not walking in groups of 5, they could easily coalesce into one.
Or was he actually referring to the political context of law whereby gatherings (of whatever number) for a “political cause” would inherently result in law and order problems? The non-issuance of permits for the Workers’ Party’s cycling event in 2007 comes into mind.

[2] “whether an event may cause public disorder, it was a risk for the police to assess, not the organizers”

This statement by itself is perfectly fine as the police are tasked to make such judgments and to bring offending parties to the courts for prosecution. However, the courts are in turn charged with the responsibility of assessing if these judgments are indeed valid and not accept them as status quo. Hence if Judge Ng was “fortified in my views” (as he put it) that the walk which had taken place did not impede or cause any disruption to the flow of vehicular traffic or the movement of pedestrians, then the police’s initial assessment should – as it originally was - be overthrown.

So what grounds did the Government have for its appeal of the decision? What new evidence was considered? There seems to be none.

From the latest outcome, it reads as the act itself was deemed illegal as no permit was attained and Justice Choo disagrees with Judge Ng's assessment. And although the 'procession' (if you could define it as such) did not cause law and order issues, it could have, and as such, a permit should have been sought.

Now with hindsight, Judge Ng’s initial acquittal could therefore be seen as the ‘butterfly wing flaps’ that set in motion a hasty legal code reworking to prevent such impartial and independent readings of the law. The resulting ‘cyclone’ was the amendments to the Public Order Act slightly more than a month after.

As we have it, a good judgment was superseded by two massively poor ones.

Monday, November 2, 2009

APEC - Showcase for POA

With APEC Leaders Week fast approaching, the showcast event for asia pacific might turn out to be a showcase for Singapore's new Public Order Act.

As a refresher, amendments to Public Order Act was passed in April 2009 in what many saw as an update to the law with APEC in mind. The new guidelines state that cause-related activities will be regulated, regardless of the number of persons involved. This is a move away from the previous definition of an illegal assembly (5 or more people).

The SDP has on numerous occasions in the past gathered in groups of 4 or even one to demonstarte the uneven application of this law. Obviously, the new definitions can be seen as a means to curb their campaigning. Lets not forget the standoff between police and the SDP during the IMF/WB meetings in Sinagpore on September 2007.

Expect more arrrests and detentions in days to follow....

SINGAPORE: With two weeks to go before heads of state gather for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit here, Singapore is wary about allowing the entry of well-organised civil groups and disruptive individuals bent on derailing the talks or championing their causes.

Two Falungong followers, a Malaysian and an Indonesian, were reportedly denied entry into Singapore at Changi Airport last week.

According to the Epoch Times, the sect's publication, the pair tried to enter the country separately on Oct 19 and Oct 22. The report also said the pair had previously made frequent trips to Singapore. Falungong, a religious sect, was banned in China in 1999 after it was accused of fanning social unrest.

Though it is not outlawed in Singapore, several of its followers here have been arrested for holding illegal assemblies.

When MediaCorp cited the Falungong example and asked if Singapore was keeping out individuals who might pose law-and-order problems, a spokeswoman from the APEC Singapore 2009 organising committee said all requests to enter the country would be treated fairly. "All sovereign nations have the prerogative to decide who cross their borders. Singapore is no exception," she said. "This is especially so in the current security climate, where we have a duty to ensure the safety and security of the public."

Security analyst Dr John Harrison from the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies was not surprised with the entry ban related to APEC. "The (Singapore) government will get a variety of information in from all sources - open and classified - from partners in the region and around the world," he
said. "It will try and mitigate threats and risks as early as possible."

Apart from the task of keeping out people with backgrounds tied to terrorism, the authorities would have their eye on individuals who could use the event to carry out violent protests, Dr Harrison said.

Three years ago, when Singapore hosted the International Monetary Fund-World Bank meeting, the authorities objected to 28 foreigners - all of whom had a history of taking part in violent protests or disruptive activities at previous meetings - from being allowed into the country.

Then, civil society organisations were allowed to protest in a small corner 0f the meeting venue at Suntec Singapore International Convention and Exhibition Centre; large-scale protests were confined to the Indonesian island of Batam.

Observers say that unlike the IMF event to which many civil society groups were
invited, APEC's broader platform is not likely to warrant the same level of involvement and, hence, numbers of activists